Would we remember Ninoy?

address the youth.

As soon as Ninoy stood up from his seat to be led off his flight that had just landed at the Manila International airport on August 21, 1983, he knew he was a dead man.

No way he was going to be allowed to live. He was too big a troublemaker. He was charismatic, sharp, articulate, witty, possessed of an encyclopedic grasp of Philippine political history and social issues—and he bubbled with an annoyingly irrepressible enthusiasm like the Energizer bunny that just goes on, and on, and on, and on…. Shove a microphone in his face and he can talk the wallpaper off the wall. All day long.

That’s not even his worst quality, as far as his political adversary is concerned. The worst thing about him is that he peddled hope and trafficked in optimism.

He saw the potential of Juan and Juana de la Cruz that Juan and Juana de la Cruz did not know. While some saw the Philippines’ prospects for growth and prosperity as a half-empty glass of water, and some saw it is as half-full, Ninoy would have gone, “Let’s have some more glasses! Where are the glasses! Bring out the glasses!”

The decade of the 80’s was a wobbly era of fitful change. The psychedelic 70’s are just out. Between the declaration of martial law in 1972 to Ninoy’s homecoming in 1983, the nation had just been through a decade of servile submission to autocratic rule. Depending on how far adrift you are from the center of the action, it might have even been benevolent at times—enough for some to reminisce them today in myopic terms as a kind of “golden age.”

But overall the nation was in decline. Poverty was on the rise, the pillaging of the national treasury so blatant, thorough and systematic. Official and private crony plunder was so rampant and pervasive that corruption was the new normal, and virtue became the new sedition.

The Philippines became the paradox of the richest country with the poorest masses. Stand in the middle of the posh financial district of Makati, and as you gaze from one street corner to the next you will realize you are standing on the patch of ground where the one percent of the population who control ninety-five percent of the nation’s wealth live and hold office. The space that divides the haves and the have-nots is a gaping chasm expanding wider everyday, with little hope of any change in direction.

The state of the populace was lethargic. Everyone saw what was wrong, everyone knew what could be done about it, but no one had the wherewithal and the strength left to do it. Cynicism led to defeatism and defeatism led to dynastic perpetuation. Eighty million Filipinos were acting monolithically like deer in headlights.

Oh, that someone would snap them out of it.

Someone DID come home to do just that.

Oh, but they snapped him out of it.

One bullet is all it took.

The millions of Filipinos who poured out into the streets in immeasurable outrage at the assassination of that man understood every strand of every fiber of every thread of that political issue. Nobody needed an explanation. Everybody understood what was going on so uniformly that they could mass together leaderless and yet still think, speak and act the same way as one wave of pure, unadulterated People Power never before seen, and never again perfectly replicated since.

I was a young man when Ninoy was assassinated four decades ago. I am an old man now, as old as those who were as young as me then.

I am too old and too tired to retell the story the umpteenth time. Like Forrest Gump would say, this is all I have to say about that: Ninoy died so that you would have freedom. If you don’t appreciate or even understand that, Ninoy died in vain. And you are still not free.

So don’t look to us who once understood it so well to explain it to you. Freedom and democracy were to be your inheritance from that tumultuous era of awakening, self-mobilization and freedom actualization which generation tried to hand over to succeeding generation—all the way down until it has gotten us this far, to touch YOUR generation.

You can speak freely today and have the liberty to mold your mind according to the virtue you choose, free from systemic supervention by the shackles of mind-slavery that the aftermath of Ninoy’s death dismantled.

Because of the enabling sacrifice that Ninoy made, many could now ignorantly criticize his legacy with the very voice of freedom that Ninoy bought with his life.

That freedom is your unearned inheritance, your lifetime insurance policy that never again would some glib-tongued demagogue control your mind while robbing you blind.

That inheritance from Ninoy, and the millions of us who followed him, is always yours for the taking.

If you don’t want it, that’s fine.*

Congress can resurrect ABS-CBN if it wants to

If this resolution filed last July 11, 2022 by Rep. Rodante Marcoleta is read in plenary session on First Reading on Monday--or anytime soon after--we would know for sure the trajectory of this latest move.

It's a RESOLUTION, meaning it will NEVER ripen into a LAW. That tells me this is NOT a new franchise application. A franchise application is a private bill, but its still a LAW--it has to be introduced as a House Bill.

But why introduce, let alone tackle, a Resolution regarding a FAILED House Bill that never became a law?

I'm sorry but here I have to talk legal gobbledygook--it cannot be helped.

The only explanation I could imagine is they're NOT regarding the rejection of the ABS-CBN franchise renewal as "finished business"--but one that the House really merely deferred to the next session "sine die" (as if done the "same day").

This Congress is no longer the 18th Congress because half of the senators--those who won last May 9--are not midterm electees. They won at the expiration of the president's full term. Their joining the remaining "senior" half of the Senate completes the replacement of all senators from the last full batch elected in 2016.

So this becomes the 19th Congress being entirely of a different composition--notwithstanding the comeback of familiar faces.

Since the non-renewal of the ABS-CBN franchise happened in the 18th congress--and this is now the 19th Congress--there would be a slight problem with this Congress revisiting its own action from its LAST session.

And "session" refers to its continuous convening--not referring to the daily roll call. That is to say, our Congress only holds ONE SESSION every year, although it is broken down into several adjournments from day to day, or even spanning long breaks like Lent, Christmas, etc.

But from the TECHNICAL point of view, the House CAN, in fact, reverse its non-renewal of the ABS-CBN franchise because in doing so they are NOT amending or repealing a law (it NEVER became a law, remember?) they are simply receiving new evidence in revived committee hearings--if they can just solve the challenge of correctly applying "sine die" continuance.

I can imagine them arguing that Congress is a body politic capable of self-succession--just like a private corporation whose directors come and go without the corporate identity being affected. I think that may even be the reason why the resolution was filed by Marcoleta--the same person who sponsored the committee report recommending non-renewal. It confuses me. If it confuses you too, then mission accomplished!

Did you get it?

Of course my assumption here is that the refiling of this resolution is fueled by newfound sympathy for the Lopezes--even though the average layman would think, "Joskoday, bakit ayaw nilang tantanan ang mga Lopez?"

Regardless how it looks like at first glance, this is a FRIENDLY move for the Lopezes.

If the motive is to heap more reprisal or sanction on the Lopezes, then the whole thing will fall flat on it face. There would be no basis for the House to give due course to this new resolution because the penalty for gross violation of the terms and conditions of a legislative franchise CANNOT GO BEYOND the revocation of that franchise. Any other liability arising from the violation would be either administrative (falling under the jurisdiction of the BIR or the SEC) or criminal (falling under the jurisdiction of the DOJ).

If Congress insists on exercising RESIDUAL jurisdiction over the supposedly "dead" ABS-CBN franchise, you have to learn how to read between the lines. They're saying, "Nope, we did NOT really REVOKE their franchise, we just haven't made up our minds FINALLY yet."

Believe me, that mind is easy to make up--if the price is right.*

Cory gave up power, a rare phenomenon

What are my thoughts as we observe Cory Aquino’s thirteenth death anniversary today, August 1?

At the height of the EDSA People Power fervor in 1986, Cory Aquino gripped the attention and held the support not only of millions of newly-awoke Filipinos but of the entire free world.

For a brief moment, as the tumultuous throngs of freedom-starved Filipinos put their trust in her hands, she literally became as totally powerful as the dictator she had ousted.

Suspending the moribund 1973 Constitution, which Ferdinand Marcos had mangled with numerous amendments to concentrate power in his hands, Cory quickly cobbled together a “Freedom Constitution” that would enable government to run on autopilot for at least a year.

From Batanes to Tawi-tawi, Cory replaced the entire grassroots political leadership across the whole archipelago—appointing Officer-in-charge (OIC) governors, mayors and Sanggunian councilors in every province, city and municipality in the entire Philippines.

She named a full Cabinet with a complement of fully-staffed regional offices, bureaus and agencies in every executive department. She revamped every branch of service in the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and sent new ambassadors to all foreign consulates of the Philippines, including the United Nations and the Vatican.

She took control of the National Treasury and dispatched legal hounds to track down and recover all the ill-gotten wealth that was fleeing the country or finding shelter in dummy caches of cash and liquid assets hidden in the deepest bowels and recesses of the country’s banking and finance apparatus.

She did not enjoy strong support from government employees still largely loyal to Marcos—the only president they have ever worked for in the last twenty years. But Cory did not strip down the national civil service. She left it untouched.

The business, commercial and industrial sectors were four-square behind her, including many of the crony-owned industrial institutions who had made hay under the Marcos sunshine. Simply told, they knew that Cory represented a new era of honest capitalism--fitful and problem-plagued to be expected, but honest still.

To everybody, Cory was the national “reset button” and they were just willing to let her take a crack at re-launching our collective pursuit of the Filipino Dream.

If she wanted to—and everyone around her wanted her to want to—she could have made herself President-for-life. The economy had just improved so much that many sectors clamored for “sustainability.” They kept asking her, will she or won’t she run for a second term. Even the framers of the 1987 Constitution had left just a little bit of daylight to permit an interpretation that the single-term limit for President did not apply to her. It was all hers for the asking—would she run again?

Famously, Cory gave her answer to the tune of Nonoy Zuñiga’s famous ballad “I’ll never say goodbye” and sang to the Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines (FOCAP) her own retooled lyrics: “I’ll never run again…pang Snap-election lang ako!”

And thusly the legend was carved in granite: Cory Aquino who would have still been unbeatable in the 1992 election turned her back on active politics and resumed her austere life as the widow in yellow.

She did what no Marcos, then and now, could ever do—decline the opportunity to perpetuate herself in power. She oversaw the first successful peaceful transition of power in post-EDSA history.

She gracefully exited the national stage, making room for new voices, and giving generous limbering space for the slowly-strengthening muscle of Philippine democracy. Instead of growing moss permanently seated in power, Cory gave way to FIVE more democratically-elected, if questionably morally-qualified, popular presidents after herself.

Yet, up to the last minute, Cory was the consummate anti-trapo. All conventional wisdom expected her to anoint her closest ally, House Speaker Ramon “Monching” V. Mitra, Congressman of Palawan, as the official standard bearer of the party that had totally supported her throughout her administration: the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP).

For six years, Monching Mitra had pimped this political machine to Formula One invincibility. It would be a walkover for the candidate who held this party’s flag at the election—provided Cory gave her blessing. Mitra worked hard for that endorsement, he deserved it, the public expected it, the party demanded it.

Cory endorsed Fidel V. Ramos.

To a man, almost everyone said at the time that THAT was a colossal mistake.

Today, I have not heard anyone who said that was a mistake who has not recanted and said, instead, “that was a stroke of brilliance.”

This is who Cory Aquino was. If you were born after 1986 and you have an unflattering opinion of her, I don’t care how you got your education. You are ignorant.

If I hurt your feelings, I’m glad I did.*

'Steady Eddie' and a Baby Armalite

eptember 13, 1986 in Mount Data Hotel in Bauko, Mountain Province: President Cory Aquino has just handed a bible to rebel priest Fr. Conrado Balweg as a token of peace after signing the 1986 "Sipat" (Ceasefire) between the Government and Fr. Balweg's Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army (CPLA).

As a return gesture, Fr. Balweg and Cordillera Bodong Association (CBA) Leader Mario Yag-ao handed over a native spear and wooden shield to Defense Secretary Fidel V Ramos.

Something was amiss.

There was muffled murmuring among the tightly-selected small crowd in attendance. In fact, almost none of the Cordilleran participants clapped, despite the best efforts of the Malacañan press officers to coax applause. It was a nightmare for the Palace p-r people--even President Cory looked around wondering about the cold response.

After a few tense moments, Ka Ambo (Fr. Balweg's field "call sign") tried to explain to Cory: "It seems appropriate that since we offered a spear and a shield as a sign that we are trusting you, your side must also offer a weapon of war to show that you trust us."

Seriously?

Of course--putting a gun in the hand of a rebel standing just beside the President, what a brilliant idea.

Cory looked at Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos, "Eddie?"

"Baby Armalite!" Ramos answered instantly, "the AFP shall give an M-16 rifle as our token of good faith!"

Colonel Voltaire Gazmin, head of the Presidential Security Group, nearly fainted. Ramos turned around, yanked one of his own close-in personal bodyguards, and disarmed the poor fellow of his M-16 rifle. Ramos had time to drop the magazine and empty the chamber before handing the M-16 to Fr. Balweg without a bit of hesitation. It looked to me like Fr. Balweg was even more shocked than Cory was.

It was all unplanned. But it was brilliant spontaneity that would have taken Malacañan's political protocol officers weeks to debate whether or not to do.

But Ramos did his calculations on the spot and made a firm decision that he boldy stood by. It sent a clear and unequivocal message: the Government was serious about ending armed insugency in the Cordilleras. The day wasn't just going to be one of those meaningless public relations photo-ops.

But it was ALSO that, of course.

I was taking notes on my reporter's notebook from the back row. My editor Peppot Ilagan (who, at 5'4" was even an inch shorter than me), flipped out his Canon Sureshot autofocus camera--I am sure the most unsophisticated camera in the building--jumped up and took one shot.

It became that iconic photo of the September "Sipat" with Cory, Ramos, Balweg and Yag-ao in one frame--that Reuters, UPI and Agence France Presse bought and syndicated to all international newsmagazines.

Just before we left the hotel, Ramos who knew almost half of the Baguio media by FIRST NAME, said, "Peppot, of course you will give me a copy of that photograph you took, won't you?"

Peppot said, "I'll think about it."*